Saturday, August 1, 2020

Montesquieu and the Making of the Modern World (German, not Roman!)

Montesquieu and the Making of the Modern World

See p. 46, where the author explains Montesquieu's argument about the role of Germanic nomads in implanting ideas about freedom and equality: 

   His basic premise was that in simple tribal societies there were those very values of liberty, equality and fraternity which characterized the best of current nations. Like Rousseau after him, Montesquieu believed that men were, by nature, born free and equal. The simplest people, hunter-gatherers, ‘enjoy great liberty; for as they do not cultivate the earth, they are not fixed: they are wanderers and vagabonds; and if a chief should deprive them of their liberty, they would immediately go and seek it under another, or retire into the woods, and there live with their families.’1 Thus slavery was immoral, for ‘as all men are born equal, slavery must be accounted unnatural, though in some countries it be founded on natural reason.’2 The problem was that what began naturally and could be protected by voting with one’s feet, fleeing repression, later had to be protected by artificial means. ‘In the state of nature, indeed, all men are born equal, but they cannot continue in this equality. Society makes them lose it, and they recover it only by the protection of the laws.’3 This, in a nutshell, was the story which he wished to tell in relation to what had happened in western Europe.

   Montesquieu’s reading of Caesar and Tacitus suggested to him that the early Germanic societies were largely pastoralists, mixing this with hunting and gathering. ‘Caesar says, that “The Germans neglected agriculture; that the greatest part of them lived upon milk, cheese, and flesh; that no one had lands or boundaries of his own; that the princes and magistrates of each nation allotted what portion of land they pleased to individuals, and obliged them the year following to remove to some other part.”‘4 Or again, ‘It seems by Caesar and Tacitus that they applied themselves greatly to a pastoral life; hence the regulations of the codes of barbarian laws almost all relate to their flocks.’5 Like many pastoral peoples, they were egalitarian and independent minded, both at the tribal and individual level. They enjoyed a sort of republican structure, a confederation of small chiefdoms with little hierarchy. ‘Each tribe apart was free and independent; and when they came to be intermixed, the independency still continued; the country was common, the government peculiar; the territory the same, and the nations different.’6 Thus they managed to share a territory without becoming locked into an increasingly oppressive state.

   They were unusually isolated and rural peoples, as befitted their agriculture, and ruled themselves through a kind of universal suffrage. ‘The German nations that conquered the Roman Empire were certainly a free people. Of this we may be convinced only by reading Tacitus “On the Manners of the Germans”. The conquerors spread themselves over all the country; living mostly in the fields, and very little in the towns. When they were in Germany, the whole nation was able to assemble.’7 Any sign of instituted rulers at this time is a mistake. Just as monarchy was absent in much of Europe before the Roman conquests, so ‘the peoples of the north and of Germany were not less free; and if traces of kingly government are found among them, it is because the chiefs of armies or republics have been mistaken for monarchs.’8
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Montesquieu’s view of the liberating effect of what happened, especially when compared to the effects of the conquests by the Mongols, is summarized as follows. 


The first wave of Germanic conquest was later re-enforced by a second with the Vikings. For these Montesquieu has equal praise. He wrote that Scandinavia ‘was the source of the liberties of Europe - that is, of almost all the freedom which at present subsists amongst mankind.’5
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   The spread of Germanic civilization helped Montesquieu explain a mystery, that is the uniform and unprecedented spread of an original and new form of civilization in western Europe which grew from the ashes of Roman civilization. ‘I should think my work imperfect were I to pass over in silence an event which never again, perhaps, will happen; were I not to speak of those laws which suddenly appeared over all Europe without being connected with any of the former institutions.’1 In fact, of course, although these laws bore little connection to the Roman civilization which he had studied so closely, they emanated directly from that system described for the Germans by Caesar and Tacitus for ‘Such is the origin of the Gothic government amongst us.’2 This is the system which he admired and whose roots he wished to discover, for they clearly did not lie in Rome. 
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   The discovery of the roots was not merely of antiquarian interest for Montesquieu believed that the quintessence of liberty in modern Europe, that is the separation and balance of powers, had been first expressed in them. And it is therefore not surprising that he should make a great leap across the centuries by joining what he saw in the constitutional balance of early eighteenth century England to what he had read in Tacitus. ‘In perusing the admirable treatise of Tacitus “On the Manners of the Germans”, we find it is from that nation the English have borrowed the idea of their political government. This beautiful system was invented first in the woods.’4
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   Drawing on hints in Montesquieu’s work, his theory can be put as follows. After the collapse of Rome, much of Europe was covered by a low density Germanic civilization, with its freedom and equality. Then over much of continental Europe, hierarchy and despotism began to re-assert itself as a necessary consequence of growing wealth and military confrontation. An expression and re-enforcing of this move towards what Tocqueville would call ‘caste’ and towards absolutism, was the re-introduction of Roman law and the Roman Catholic religion. In essence Europe lost its freedoms to a resurgent Roman civilization - and this was most evident in southern and central Europe, for instance in France. For reasons which Montesquieu does not elaborate, this returning tide became weaker the further north one went. So England, an island in fact and in law, retained its basically Germanic social structure, political system and monetary values. Thus, with its Germanic Protestantism added to this, it seemed an oasis (with Holland) in a desert of threatened despotism. 
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   What was particularly sad, Montesquieu thought, was that the ancient foundations of freedom in Germanic laws and customs had been lost, and been overlain by the revived, absolutist and imperial, Roman laws. This Roman triumph had been made complete by Roman religion which had joined with Roman law. Speaking of France, Montesquieu asked:


Montesquieu’s historical work was undertaken over two centuries ago. We may wonder how far it stands the test of time, and how far it has been refuted by subsequent research. Here we are fortunate to have a detailed study by Iris Cox on ‘Montesquieu and the history of French laws’ which compares his work in great detail with that of more recent scholars. She summarizes her findings thus: ‘in my judgement, Montesquieu’s historical account stands up well in the light of modern knowledge. His account is comparatively short, but his statements on most of the points he regarded as important in connection with his theory about the spirit of the laws of France are supported in the works to which I have referred.’1 She lists all his major sections, from the ‘organization of early German society, the facts of the Frankish invasion of Gaul’ through to ‘the gradual re-emergence of Roman law in a different form’, and finds that ‘all these stages in Montesquieu’s outline of development may be found in the pages of Chenon, Lot and other modern historians.’2 She finds only two matters on which he may be mistaken and which affect his story: ‘One is the question as to whether people were free, in Merovingian and Carolingian times, to choose under which law they would live’, the other is ‘whether, from Merovingian times onwards, the administration of justice was ordinarily attached to the grant of land’.3 Neither of these possible areas of misinterpretation affect the more general account which I have summarized.
 
 

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